Thursday, May 7, 2009


SINGAPORE STAR: Some Maoist combatants have been taken in custody as per the directives of the party headquarters after a controversial video of outgoing Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal 'Prachanda' addressing a training session in Shaktikhor (in NEPAL) became public.

The Maoist army is on to prevent similar activities in other divisions.

Addressing a press conference which was captured in a videotape, of his lecture to PLA commanders some 16 months ago, which has caused quite an uproar in the political circle, Prachanda said his party had three tiers of armed forces - central and regional as regular armed forces and militia that numbered well over 100,000.

He said what he mentioned in the tape that real strength of the PLA was 7,000 to 8,000 was only the number of the 'central regular armed force'.


Times of India (9th May) reporting: "While India was inviting popular opprobrium in Nepal trying to prevent Maoist Prime Minister Prachanda from sacking the army chief,

China at the same time sent messages to Prachanda pledging support for doing just the opposite!

According to sources monitoring events in Nepal during those crucial days, China reportedly told Prachanda to stick to his guns and they would support him. In fact, they had offered to train the PLA cadres who could be integrated into the Nepal army.

Apparently, it was one of the assurances that led Prachanda to disregard the opinions of his allies in government and go ahead with the sacking, with disastrous consequences to the government and the infant democracy in Nepal.



On national army:

Integration will not happen before the Constituent Assembly elections. It cannot happen. You just have to look around, and you will know. Do you understand? This is the reality. Nowhere does it say that integration has to happen before the elections – there is no decision, no agreement and no understanding. We have said that it will happen after the elections. About the elections, either the Congress will not let it happen, or we won't. Let us say that somehow it does happen. We cannot say it will not happen, 100 percent. MARXISTS DO NOT SAY SUCH THINGS.

If it looks likely that the Maoists will capture power before the elections, they may be compelled to go for elections, thinking it will allow them to last for a few more months. If we do well, then we can implement socio-economic change under our leadership, with our majority. If we win, then the current verification will not be considered to be the criteria. Please explain this to all of our friends. Once we become the rooster – please pardon expression – once we have won, WHY WOULD WE NEED TO OBEY THE VERIFICATION? When we win, we will just CREATE A NEW LAW THAT INCLUDES OUR PEOPLE AND ELIMINATE THOSE FROM THE OTHER SIDE. When we have already won and have the upper hand, why would we OBEY THE CURRENT VERIFICATION?

We will have integration – in a way that decreases the size of the army. From the start, I have said that we DO NOT need such a large army. Let's keep it between 30,000 and 50,000. We will bring it down from 100,000 to 50,000. Ours may drop from 20,000 to 10,000, let's just say. You heard what Katawal said the other day. EVEN IF THE ARMY ABSORBS ONLY 3,000 MAOIST COMBATANTS, THAT THE WHOLE ARMY WLL BE FINISHED. Did you read that? He said a mere 3,000 could destroy their 100,000. That is true.

If we are going to place 10,000 combatants in the army, the whole force will come under OUR INFLUENCE. It will be Maobaad-maya, under our total influence. I fully believe this. We will introduce our agenda in there at that time. The issue here is not about more or less; it is about AWARENESS. We have concepts, policies and vision. They do nothing but bang their boots. The enlightened ones will eat up the boot-bangers. The 3,000 will SWALLOW THE REST.

If there are no elections, we will WIN THROUGH A MOVEMENT. We will first capture power, and then work on integration. We will not throw out all of them, as it will be necessary to keep some of them. We will reduce them systematically, and bring the ARMY UNDER OUR LEADERSHIP.

You expressed worries about continuing the revolution. This is how it will happen. It will happen in a new way. Please don't look for examples from Russia or China, or Vietnam or Cuba. Our solution will be specific to Nepal, but it will happen. Integration will happen in this way. It will not happen one-by-one, on an individual basis. We will do it unit-wise. Our battalions and theirs will be separate, under one command. Our people will also be in command. The plan is to 'democratise' the army, which means to POLITICISE it. It'll take five to seven years to do that. If we are really going to have integration, the way to do it is unit-wise, so that our units remain with us. This is important: if we do it unit-wise, we can REACT if we are BETRAYED. I have had talks with the army leadership about going about this on a unit-wise basis.

On funds, arms and elections:

We have said that for elections to happen, the martyrs' families must receive relief, information on the disappeared must be gathered, the injured receive relief, and the combatants be paid. Elections cannot happen without these conditions. Over the last 3-4 months, the world has been repeating our formula; it has been accepted all over. They've been saying the Maoists are right on this. Believe me, I have seen it all. This is great for us; this will take us to the top. When we insist that we will not go to elections without money for the families of martyrs, they all say, "Yes! Yes!"

Now a relief package is being promised to the martyr families by Magh (Jan/Feb). For now, this is one lakh (one hundred thousand), though the full compensation is 10 lakh. Now don't think this is just money; it is politics. We will distribute this money in mass meetings. We will make a plan from the top and go district to district. All of this is not preparations for elections; it is preparations for revolt. With the money, our relationship with the people will improve. They will feel this is their party. And we will say, "One lakh is not enough, we will get you the nine lakh." Of course, we will not say, "Take this and go home."

Now, about the 60 crore (one crore is equivalent to ten million) for the cantonments, we will use this for the revolt. We need money to prepare for the revolt. Remember my point about the need for 10 crore, to bring it all in a truck. We need money for what the truck carries; nobody gives it for free. We don't have enough money for that. Of the 60 crore, you will take a little bit, and about 20 crore will come to us. Just imagine the preparations we can do with 20 crore.

To make good battle plans, you need money. With lots of money, we can make good plans. We need quite a bit for a REVOLT. So, it you only look at the form, it may look like the party is heading towards agreement. Look deeper and you will understand how the brave party is preparing for revolt.

On combatant numbers and verification:

Revolution calls for renunciation, penance, sacrifice. How is today's situation different from during the people's war? Talking of form, earlier you were holding the machine gun, killing or being killed. Today, it seems like we are sitting at the table with the enemy, chatting and sipping tea. The form is very different. But the gist is still the same: we are both taking the revolution forward.

Did you see the Naya Patrika the other day? It says that B. P. Koirala said that if he had been able to keep just 500 soldiers in 1960, the Panchayat takeover would not have happened. That seems correct. If they had not dissolved their insurrectionary force, Mahendra would not have had the guts to act. Because we have thousands in the People's Liberation Army, nobody has the guts to challenge us.

Your position today can be called renunciation, penance or sacrifice. I would say you are doing penance, for revolution. Our actions in Baluwatar, Singha Durbar, inside and outside the country, have been successful only because of you. Without you, nobody would listen to us. Because we have an army, everybody is petrified, even now. The Congress and UML don't want to admit it, but they feel the fear.

Earlier today, the UML's Bam Dev called, saying that our friends in Kavre had badly beaten up their party workers. I said yours are hardly better, they beat us up yesterday. His reply was, "We can hardly hurt you. Yours are all trained, and they beat hard." They are terrorised by us – everyone is. I have also talked to the top officers in the other army, and they too feel terror, great terror. They fear our numbers.

You say our numbers have decreased. That's not true. Our army has grown significantly. Where is the shrinking? You must understand strategy and tactics. Tell me, how many of us were there earlier? Speaking honestly, we were few before the compromise. We were at 7,000 to 8,000. If we had reported that, we would have had 4,000 left after verification. Instead, we claimed 35,000, and now we have 20,000. THIS IS THE TRUTH. We cannot tell others, but you all and I know the truth.

How can anyone say our numbers have decreased? Look how wisely our leadership took a 7,000-person army and made it a 21,000-person regular army. That is what you are now. We have not shrunk; we have grown. And on the outside, we have created the YCL infrastructure, and we have thousands in the YCL. So we have built a lot, and are still building. It is true that there some complexities, but they are still a strength. About our friends who did not make it through the verification process, there is a fear that they are done. But arrangements will be made.

On Constituent Assembly elections:

What will come of the elections is not agreement but revolt. First, let me assure you that elections will not happen. But we cannot share this understanding. We must insist that the country needs elections that it is the only way out. If we show enthusiasm, then they will stop the process. You may remember that in June, before the peace process, I said that if it looks like we will win they will not let it happen. And if it looks like they will win, we will not let it happen. Either way, I have said there will be no elections. I was never confused about that.

If it looks like the Maoists are going to win, THE REACTIONARIES - AMERICA AND INDIA, will together prevent the elections. If there is an anti-Maoist conspiracy making things difficult for us, we will not let the elections happen. Before we had the meeting with the UML, you may recall that I told them, "If you go above board on this, we can break the legs [of your candidates] across the country. We can destroy your elections." This, then, is our line today. It is the only line that prepares us for revolution. One cannot have a revolution by panicking and merely wanting it.


Anonymous said...


Thank you for this. One gets the full picture of Maoist duplicity.

Wonder when we will get rid of this scourge in India?

Anonymous said...

Filthy RAW site

Anonymous said...

To Anon Above...

Well what the PRACHANDA says in the video is defo not fed to him by RAW. LOLz


Anonymous said...

Thanks for the full transcript.

Anonymous said...

Set the Tibetians on the Chinese - these fuckers need to get their asses kicked !!

Anonymous said...


Did you read the Chinese comment this mroning in Isloo? There defo seems to be some pattern emerging here. NK, CHINA, PAK, Nepal, BD. I have a string gut feeling about some sort of consolidation happening beneath all the actual events.

TTV India

Anonymous said...


Add Burma ...

Anonymous said...

@TTV - Read this article.

India looks on as the East integrates
By Zorawar Daulet Singh

NEW DELHI - The agreement by the finance ministers of China, Japan, South Korea and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN+3) last week to create a US$120 billion regional reserve pool "to address short-term liquidity difficulties in the region and to supplement the existing international financial arrangements" must surely be another milestone in East Asian geoeconomics.

This, however, is not an unsurprising development but part of a trend to integration that has characterized the political economy of the region. India remains disconnected from this geoeconomic space. For too long, the country's look-East policy has been based on rhetorical aspirations rather than on immersing India into the commercial networks that have entwined the nations of East Asia.

The popular images that animate any discussion on East Asia, such as those concerning the North Korean nuclear question, the naval dimension and sea-lane security, and disputes in the South China Sea, tend to emphasize the latent, potential and ongoing conflicts in the region while crowding out any meaningful conversation on the question of economic interdependence. This is partly a result in India of a security bias within the security establishment whereby it tends to project India's perspectives on China onto other actors in the region. For the major part, however, this is because India's own economic linkages with the East are relatively perfunctory.

It is worth highlighting the underlying dynamic that enables interdependence to operate. While some analysts have opined that the economic impulse in the region has a life of its own, and security considerations have been subordinated by geoeconomics, such a perspective does not address the reality that East Asian actors have made a conscious political choice to stimulate commerce.

This is not to suggest that nations on China's periphery have somehow lost the plot and have adopted a benign attitude vis-a-vis China. China's neighbors are simply executing hedging strategies whereby their security under the American umbrella and the latter's substantial forward deployments in the Western Pacific has reassured them to enhance their economic linkages with China.

Ironically, the US has encouraged such engagement, and the extraordinary climb in Sino-US relations has only reinforced the impulse of China's neighbors to engage her. Thus, the situation of a muted security dilemma has paved the way for extensive interactions in the economic sphere.

The interdependence of East Asia cannot be understood without an appraisal of manufacturing supply chains, and China's role as a "conduit" in this process.

Over the past decade, production sharing has become more pronounced in the region. A number of electronic and machinery industries are now characterized by a vertical division of labor - the slicing up of the manufacturing process whereby each economy is specializing in a particular stage of the production sequence of a single product, which is eventually shipped out from Chinese ports to Western markets.

China has emerged as a central assembly point of imported high-technology components which are processed there by affiliates of multinational companies (MNCs), shipped out again for further processing, and sent back to China as organized components for final assembly.

This is reflected in the data. Over the past decade, the proportion of components in exports to China has increased by five times for Indonesia, 15 times for Thailand, 19 times for Malaysia, and 60 times for Philippines. Today, Japan, Taiwan and South Korea account for around 50% of China's component imports.

Foreign direct investment into China has played a vital role in restructuring intra-industry trade in the region. Japan has established 30,000 companies and joint ventures in China with an investment of US$60 billion. South Korea has 30,000 enterprises there with an investment of $35 billion. Singapore has invested $31 billion in 16,000 projects. Taiwanese firms are estimated to have invested $100 billion on the mainland. Taiwanese firms alone are responsible for 60% of China's information-technology hardware exports. From 1985 to 2007, MNCs in China increased their share of total trade from 10% to 60%, and currently 80% of the value of their exports is imported.

Clearly, what we view as "Chinese" exports is in reality part of a complex trade and investment web that spans across East Asia. This has three important implications:

First, China's manufacturing edifice must not be exaggerated since it is primarily the point of final assembly and shipment to Western markets. A lot of the sophisticated research and development and high-tech components that go into China's electronic exports continue to be manufactured in Japan, South Korea or Taiwan. To be sure, there has been a gradual relocation of some mid-value manufacturing to the mainland as China's advanced neighbors have moved up the value chain. But even here, MNCs (Japanese, South Korean, American) have led the way and continue to control major elements of the supply chain.

Second, for the most part (with the exception of a few labor intensive economies) the regional division of labor has largely been a positive-sum game. Thus, the popular notion of the Chinese hegemon overwhelming the Asian economic scene is empirically unjustified. Even more ironically, it may be noted that the US has been an important beneficiary in this division of labor. It is estimated that 60% of all imports into the US emanate from US subsidiaries or subcontracted firms operating in China. Thus, not only are US MNCs in East Asia playing a vital role in what is exported back home, the surpluses that China accumulates have been recycled into US government debt, making China into, as economist and columnist Paul Krugman has called it, a "T-bills republic"!

Third, the US trade deficit with China is in fact a de facto trade deficit with East Asia that bilateral statistics do not and cannot capture. Such a complex multilateral chain complicates attempts to impose economic costs on China, since protectionism against Chinese exports will inevitably penalize other East Asian producers, including US corporations themselves.

Clearly, the nuances in East Asian interdependence and the extensive economic involvement of the US must be appreciated if India is to craft a sensible look-east policy. A reliance on a stereotypical image of China and her neighbors has precluded India from economically immersing itself in the region.

Instead of overstating China's economic story, New Delhi should become better acquainted with the integration dynamic in East Asia, one that is already transforming political choices in the region. And the prerequisite for India's participation in regional supply networks will begin by constructing an ecosystem at home that encourages the allocation of resources toward labor-intensive manufacturing.

Anonymous said...

didnt india support the maoists initially? only to be exploited by chinky bitches?

Anonymous said...

India never supported the Maoists. Now, CPIM or communist party support to the Maoists does not construe INDIAN support



Did not follow on the Chinese comments - but I will not put them pass anything to undermine India at any and every opportunity.

India needs no headache in a Hindu nation - NEPAL and if China actually manages to get a toehold thanks to Prachanda - it will be the blackest day for India's foreign policy and its intelligence agencies.

Anonymous said...

Understandably your article helped me altogether much in my college assignment. Hats afar to you enter, wish look ahead for the duration of more related articles soon as its united of my pick subject-matter to read.